Gender-Responsive Approaches to Countering State Threats: A Policy Brief

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This paper explores how intersectional gender analysis strengthens understanding of and defence against state threats using sub-Saharan African threat vector examples.

Overview

This paper demonstrates how integrating intersectional gender analysis enhances defence and security strategies against state threats by exploring why it has been absent and the basis for including it.

Key Recommendations

  • Build the evidence base with intersectional, gender-sensitive data collection.
  • Mainstream gender comprehensively, including at the institutional and substantive levels.
  • Integrate gendered indicators in state threat assessments.
  • Design inclusive, gender-responsive interventions and strengthen partnerships with local and feminist civil society actors.

These recommendations ensure more effective, resilient and impactful responses to state and hybrid threats.

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Introduction

State or hybrid threats are increasingly coming into focus at the frontier of modern conflict. They are effective, inexpensive and scalable tactics used by states against populations, taking advantage of existing and often legitimate normative divisions around gender and other identity factors in democratic societies. The UK and likeminded partners should consider the best ways to enhance early warning, threat analysis and response efficacy. To do so, policymakers and practitioners must appreciate the ways in which gender and identity are being weaponised by hostile state actors (HSAs) as a vehicle for foreign influence. This is especially important as hybrid warfare is steadily converging with non-state actor influences, such as that of radicalisation and recruitment, to pose significant threats to national security and societal resilience.

Understanding the value that HSAs may perceive in adopting gendered approaches (whether strategic or tactical) remains speculative, because authoritarian and illiberal regimes – the primary actors involved – disclose little about their decision-making or rationales behind policy choices and clandestine activities. However, evidence shows that Russia, among others, clearly recognises the benefit of gender and identity in its National Security Strategy, with the Kremlin weaponising these factors against its own population to assert control internally and prop up its positioning internationally. This reflects how the use of identity-targeted hybrid warfare is often an extension of domestically honed methodologies, which are employed to undermine and destabilise democratic governance through disinformation, repression, mobilisation and cultural influence.

This policy brief explores why gender and identity are often missing from state threats analysis or siloed as a ‘values’ issue or human rights concern rather than strategic security factors. In doing so, it argues that intersectional gender-responsive approaches to countering state threats are more effective and impactful.

This policy brief has two main aims:

  1. To explore why there has been a lack of gender mainstreaming in state threats work.
  2. To highlight what mainstreaming gender with an intersectional approach contributes to countering state threats efforts.

Such issues span numerous regions, with varying levels of coverage and critical engagement. Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) arguably lacks both, offering a salient but comparatively neglected case study for interrogating hostile state activity. Amid increasing geopolitical tensions, many SSA contexts are once again subject to systemic competition and external interference – especially resource-rich but poorly governed polities across the Sahel. Opportunities are rife for proxy conflicts to play out and state threat vectors to be used for foreign political, financial or other gains. Understanding the gendered and intersectional dynamics of these processes, and their implications for recipient societies, can help alleviate at least some of these evidentiary gaps.

Against this backdrop, the following analysis is part of a wider project that responds to three main research questions:

  1. How do HSAs in SSA contexts co-opt and weaponise gender (norms, relationships and systems of social organisation and governance) as a specific tactic in their offensive aims?
  2. How does gender impact effectiveness of threat vectors across SSA contexts?
  3. How is the impact of state threat activities / vectors gendered?

The brief is composed of four sections. First, it examines the evidence base for gender and identity in state threats. Second, it examines why gender has historically been missing from state threats analysis. Third, it identifies the case for mainstreaming gender in state threats analysis and response. Fourth, it focuses on examples of how gender analysis helps illuminate state threat activities. The brief concludes by summarising the value of gender-responsive approaches to countering state threats.

Importantly, the content for this brief is more thematically focused than geographically bounded, sketching the conceptual and empirical basis for examining the gendered inflections, mechanics and implications of state threats. The analysis consequently frames and complements an upcoming research paper that situates these issues in sub-Saharan Africa specifically. It also pairs with ‘Integrating Gender into State Threat Analysis: A Practical Toolkit’, which offers guidance and tools for mainstreaming gender in state threats analysis and response. Research for this brief was conducted from June 2025 to March 2026 as part of the Gender-Responsive Approaches to Countering State Threats in Sub-Saharan Africa project.


WRITTEN BY

Dr Jessica White

Director of Terrorism and Conflict Studies

Terrorism and Conflict

View profile

Michael Jones

Senior Research Fellow

Terrorism and Conflict

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Footnotes

1. :

For a survey volume that highlights the parallel tracks of domestic and transnational repression in countries such as Russia, Iran and China (as well as Venezuela and Saudi Arabia), see Larry Diamond, Marc F Plattner and Christopher Walker (eds), Authoritarianism Goes Global: The Challenge to Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016).

2.:

As Emil Ednborg elaborates: ‘Domestically as well as in transnational and international spaces, the storylines of … “traditional values” as an issue of sovereignty and security, and … the need to protect children from harmful ideas of gender and sexuality, [have] worked to … enable communication across differences, and, at times, pave the way for common action and cooperation’. See Emil Ednborg, ‘Anti-Gender Politics as Discourse Coalitions: Russia’s Domestic and International Promotion of “Traditional Values”’, Problems of Post-Communism(Vol. 70, No. 2, 2023), pp. 175–84.

3.:

This term refers to ‘young, semi-professionals’ producing digital and discursive content in support of Mali’s post-coup political elite.

4.:

Author interview with P04, November 2025.

5.:

‘Manosphere’ can be described as a loose and ideologically diffuse confederacy of interest groups and online networks encompassing Pick Up Artists (PUAs), Involuntary Celibates (Incels), Men’s Rights Activists (MRAs), and Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW).

6.:

Author interviews with P03 and P05, November 2025.

7.:

Author interviews with P05 and P013, November and December 2025.

8.:

Author interviews with P01, P03 and P05, November 2025.

9.:

Such claims have been disputed; for example, CitizenGO has denied receiving funds from Russian oligarchs.

10.:

Although ostensibly operating as a private military company, the Wagner Group relied on government funding from its inception (via the ministry of defence and various public contracts). Following the mutiny and later death in 2023 of its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin, the group was slimmed down and restructured, with much of its personnel and resources hived off by new state-run outfits such as Africa Corps.


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